1. Introduction – The
United Nations and the United Nations Security Council: an Overview
The end of the Second World War gave
rise to a new international system and with it, the formation of the United
Nations. The original 50 member states ratified the United Nations Charter on
October 24, 1945
. The
organization contains two main bodies: the General Assembly, which comprises
all member nations, and the smaller Security Council, which has the primary responsibility
of maintaining international peace and security, including the mitigation of
and response to international conflicts. The United Nations Security Council (UNSC)
focuses on mainly peaceful means of conflict management and resolution through
negotiations and the dispatch of UN peacekeepers. While members of the General
Assembly may participate in discussions in the Security Council, only the
Council itself may issue resolutions or directives. UNSC Resolutions under
Chapter VII (Action with Respect to Threats to the Peace, Breaches of the
Peace, and Acts of Aggression) are binding on all UN members, and can include economic sanctions and/or
collective military action.
The UN Security Council currently
consists of 15 member states: five permanent members and 10 other members of
regional representation that rotate on a 2-year basis. The five permanent
members (P5) represent the five main powers at the end of World War II and
include China, France, Russia (then the Soviet Union), The United Kingdom, and
the United States of America. Due to the significant changes in the
international community over the past 60 years, many UN member nations have criticized
the UN structure, particularly that of the UNSC, and have thus brought forth
proposals regarding potential reform of the UNSC. Many countries in the
developing world criticize the Security Council based on the perception of it
being an elite “nuclear club”; the P5 nations are the only recognized nations in
the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) as having the permission to have
nuclear arms. The P5 nations also do not accurately reflect the power and
population distribution throughout the world.
In addition, the veto power of the P5 presents a strong point of contention
coupled with the perceived lack of democracy in the UNSC structure. Within the
European Union and the
United States
,
criticism focus on the voting and management systems, with the
United States
emphasizes management and oversight problems as well as human rights concerns
and peace building efforts.
One of the main weaknesses of the
UNSC is the apparent disconnect between decision-making and the implementation
ability of the Council.
This has resulted in decreased legitimacy of the UNSC and of the UN on the
whole. The rise in criticisms of the UNSC, emphasized by the increased momentum
toward reform, demonstrates the decreasing effectiveness of the current
institution. Powerful countries with the ability to act alone or together
without the UN, have chosen to do so, as in the case of the 2003 invasion of
Iraq by the United States, Great Britain and others.
Distrust of the efficiency and ability of the UNSC dictates the need for reform
if the international community wants the organization to function as it was
originally designed.
2. United
Nations Security Council Reform
There have been many proposals as to
how to reform the UNSC; however, there are several that have gained the most
publicity and momentum. The four most prominent proposals are detailed in the
paragraphs below. The developing world, in conjunction with more recent
regional powers are the strongest proponents of UNSC reform, with the United
States seeking overall reform of the organization rather than the enforcement
of significant changes to only the Security Council. The European Union is
caught somewhat in the middle with internal divisions among member states
providing significant challenges to developing a joint EU policy toward the UN.
The G4 Nations - The four nations most strongly campaigning for permanent membership on
the Security Council are
Brazil
,
India
,
Germany
, and
Japan
.
Brazil
is by far the largest country in
South America
and therefore argues for membership based on its size and power with respect to
the region.
India
is the
largest democracy in the world and one of the most populous countries in
Asia
. It is also at the forefront of technological
innovation, a nuclear power, and believes that that is reason enough for its
permanent membership in the Security Council.
Germany
has changed dramatically since the UN was established after its defeat in WWII
and, as well as
Japan
, is a
member of the G-8, the group of the 7 wealthiest countries in the world, plus
Russia
.
Both nations are two of the largest financial contributors to the UN.
The G4 nations have included in their proposal one permanent seat for an
African nation, and thus their idea for reform has become known as the G4 + 1
proposal. Of the five permanent members, this proposal is currently backed by
the
United Kingdom
and
France
.
The G4 +1 proposal would significantly improve the demographic representation of the
Council and distribute power more accurately according to those nations who
contribute the most financially to the organization. However, many countries in
the European Union, especially Spain and Italy do not want to see Germany gain
a permanent seat out of fear of a coalition of power among the three most
powerful nations in the EU: Great Britain, France and Germany. The rest of the
EU would then feel even more excluded than it already does from the prestigious
UNSC. As such, there has been discussion of exchanging the potential seat for
Germany
, and possibly the current ones for
France
and
Great Britain
, for a collective EU
permanent seat. The EU has adopted a joint foreign policy, and a common seat
would follow in line with what the EU established post –
Maastricht
. However, it is unlikely that
Great Britain
and
France
are currently willing to give up their seat, nor is
Germany
ready to stop campaigning
for its own permanent seat on the Security Council. The EU is quite divided on
this matter, with
Italy
leading the opposition against both an EU seat and a German seat.
Uniting for Consensus – Led by
Italy
,
Pakistan
,
Argentina
,
South Korea
, and
Mexico
, this group of almost 40 countries,
including
Spain
and much of the EU, has formed as a direct counter to the proposal of the G4
nations. They would like to keep the 5 permanent members as they are, and
increase the number of non-permanent members to 20 for a total increase of 10 seats
to the Security Council. The Latin American countries oppose
Brazil
gaining a permanent seat on the basis
that although it is the largest country in
South America
,
it is a Portuguese-speaking country, and therefore not an accurate portrayal of
the make-up of the region.
Spain
,
Italy
, and the majority of
the EU member states oppose
Germany
gaining a permanent seat in the Security Council for fear of their losing
influence to the more powerful European nations on the council.
While
increasing the size of the UNSC would improve the demographic representation
and democratic nature of the council, there is a significant risk of its losing
effectiveness. Part of what makes the UNSC function is that it is a small group
of powerful nations and rotational regional representatives from the General
Assembly. The more nations that join the UNSC, the more similar it will be to
the GA, and therefore, its chances of successful decision-making and
implementation will decrease. The UNSC already has difficulties in implementation
and making decisions as a result of the veto power of the P5. Increasing the
size by 10 nations could lead to increased disagreement and hamstring the
implementation efforts of the council.
Kofi Annan, Former Secretary General of the UN – While presiding as Secretary
General of the United Nations, Kofi Annan offered two proposals of UNSC reform
coupled under the umbrella of his comprehensive reform proposal entitled “In
Larger Freedom”. Known as “Plan A” and “Plan B”, both recommend the expansion
of the Security Council to a total of 24 seats. Plan A suggests the addition of
6 new permanent members to the Security Council: the G4 nations plus one
African nation and one representing the Arab League. This plan also recommends
3 additional seats filled by non-permanent members. Plan B proposes maintaining
the permanent members of the UNSC to the P5, but adding 8 seats for member
nations who would sit for 4-year terms with the ability to renew per approval
of the General Assembly and 1 additional seat for a non-permanent member with
the traditional 2-year term.
Box 5
Security Council reform: models A and
B
|
Model A provides for six new permanent seats, with
no veto being created, and three new two-year term non-permanent seats,
divided among the major regional areas as follows:
Regional
area |
No. of
States |
Permanent
seats (continuing) |
Proposed
new permanent seats |
Proposed two-year seats (non-renewable)
|
Total
|
Africa
|
53
|
0
|
2
|
4
|
6
|
Asia
and Pacific
|
56
|
1
|
2
|
3
|
6
|
Europe
|
47
|
3
|
1
|
2
|
6
|
Americas
|
35
|
1
|
1
|
4
|
6
|
Totals model A
|
191
|
5
|
6
|
13
|
24
|
Model B provides for no new permanent seats but
creates a new category of eight four-year renewable-term seats and one new
two-year non-permanent (and non-renewable) seat, divided among the major
regional areas as follows:
Regional
area |
No. of
States |
Permanent
seats (continuing) |
Proposed four-year renewable seats
|
Proposed two-year seats (non-renewable)
|
Total |
Africa |
53
|
0
|
2
|
4
|
6
|
Asia and Pacific |
56
|
1
|
2
|
3
|
6
|
Europe |
47
|
3
|
2
|
1
|
6
|
Ameritas |
35
|
1
|
2
|
3
|
6
|
Totals model A |
191
|
5
|
8
|
11
|
24
|
|
The
addition of 6 permanent members, including one from Africa and one from an Arab
country in Plan A would not likely find the support needed to enact such
reform, especially from the
United
States
. Additionally, tensions could arise
between the permanent members with a veto and those without veto power and
further destabilize the effectiveness of the council. Plan B would maintain the
structure of permanent members with veto powers, and the longer, renewable
terms would encourage action instead of the common deadlock passivity of
nations on the council. With the chance for re-election, nations would be more
likely to actively engage in the UNSC deliberations and reach a solution. The
implementation capabilities of the council could improve with such a class of
UNSC membership.
3. The Position of the
United States
on the UNSC Reform
The
U.S.
has chosen to focus on an
organization-wide reform of the UN rather than focusing primarily on the
Security Council. The focus on overall problems of the UN represents their
desire to increase the effectiveness of the organization, but also illustrates
U.S.
hesitancy to completely restructure the council. The
U.S.
has publicly presented a
series of seven areas of reform for the UN. The Security Council is included in
that list, but the Bush Administration stresses the importance of addressing
all areas of reform at once without placing UNSC overhaul at the forefront of
reform initiatives. The United States´ number one priority in any reform that
includes the UNSC remains the effectiveness of the council and its ability to
make and implement decisions in a timely manner.
According to the 2005 State Department publication, “U.S. Priorities for a
Stronger, More Effective United Nations,” the seven areas for reform include: 1.
Budget, Management and Administration, 2. Peace Building Commission, 3. Human
Rights Council, 4. Democracy Initiatives and the UN Democracy Fund, 5.
Comprehensive Convention on Terrorism. 6. Development and, 7. Security Council
Reform. The below descriptions of reform policy represent the views articulated
in the above mentioned document.
Budget, Management and Administration – The goals of the
U.S.
for this first category are to
improve the internal oversight and accountability of the organization. This
includes identifying and then allocating appropriate resources to high priority
programs and offices.
Peace
Building
Commission - The
United Nations Peace Building Commission should help in post-conflict
reconstruction efforts, specifically in providing humanitarian and development
support.
Human Rights Council – A proposed shift from the large Commission on Human Rights to a smaller,
action – oriented Human Rights Council would not include states with human
rights abuses. The
U.S.
feels that any effective and meaningful human rights organization should
exemplify the standards that it is trying to set. Human rights are very
important for the
U.S.
government and are a condition for their approval of new Security Council
membership.
Democracy Initiatives and the UN Democracy Fund – This new program creates a mechanism
for democracy promotion and civil society assistance through grants to
governmental and non-governmental organizations.
The U.S. government believes this program should continue to gain more support
from the UN.
Comprehensive Convention on Terrorism – The
United States
feels very strongly about this aspect of reform in light of the terrorist
attacks in
New York City
and
Washington
,
DC
on
September 11, 2001
.
Any comprehensive reform package supported by the
United States
would include a CCT.
Development – The
U.S.
proposes increased UN encouragement of the promotion of good governance and
liberal economic policies in developing countries.
UN Security Council Reform – Overall effectiveness of the UNSC is of the
utmost importance for the
U.S.
government, and forms the basis of their opinion regarding any sort of reform
of the council. The Bush Administration stresses the importance of a sound
human rights and counterterrorism record as a prerequisite for any new member
of the UNSC, but does not believe that any of the P5 should be removed from the
Security Council despite less than perfect records, as some have remarked of
China
. The
United States Department of State issued the following statement in 2005
expressing the administration’s position:
The
United States
is open to UN
Security Council reform and expansion, as one element of an overall agenda for
UN reform. We advocate a criteria-based approach under which potential members
must be supremely well qualified, based on factors such as: economic size,
population, military capacity, commitment to democracy and human rights,
financial contributions to the UN, contributions to UN peacekeeping, and record
on counterterrorism and non-proliferation. We have to look, of course, at the
overall geographic balance of the Council, but effectiveness remains the
benchmark for any reform.
Bureau
of Public Affairs, June 20, 2005.
The State Department has clearly
expressed that the
United
States
is open to Security Council reform
and expansion including potentially 2 or 3 new permanent members and 2 or 3 non
permanent members. Specifically, the
U.S.
has expressed its support for immediate inclusion of
Japan
as a permanent member of the
Security Council. The government is also open to the consideration of more
long-term renewable seats.
However, the
U.S.
government continues to push for overall reform of the UN, not just of the
Security Council. They have attempted to discourage other members of the UNSC
and the General Assembly from solely focusing on the UNSC as the point of
reform. In order to improve the efficiency and legitimacy of the UN, reform
must not be isolated to one institution within the overall organization. The
U.S.
reform
proposal is a comprehensive one that includes the above topics of management
and economic development, terrorism and peace building efforts, human rights
and the prevention of WMD proliferation.
U.S. reluctance to focus on UNSC reform without addressing other areas of
importance could significantly hamper the attempts of other nations to reform
the council unless they are willing to accept the conditions of the United
States.
4. Looking Toward the
Future
Internal
divisions within the European Union, headed by
Germany
in one camp and
Italy
in the
other, combined with the strict conditions on
U.S.
reform proposals and a general
distrust of the UNSC on the part of members in the developing world, have
significantly hamstrung not only UN reform efforts but the organization’s
effectiveness. As long as domestic politics constrain the abilities of the
United States
and EU member countries from sincerely committing to UNSC reform, and UN reform
on the whole, such divisions will likely continue to plague an attempt at meaningful
reform.
The
European Union has traditionally been more supportive of international
organizations than the
United
States
, but the disagreements over Security
Council reform, specifically over a potential German seat, have reduced the
EU´s ability to use that support to empower reform efforts. If the EU has a
joint foreign and security policy, it would make sense for the body to have a
joint EU seat on the Security Council. However, that would require serious discussions at the EU level between the
current permanent UNSC members,
France
and
Great Britain
,
and the rest of the member states on how the EU wants to represent itself at
the UN in the most effective manner possible. In order for true UNSC reform to
occur, the EU must first decide how it wants to present itself to the
international community, and just how joint their foreign and security policy
views really are.
The
United States
, for their part,
needs to publicly show more faith in the organization. This includes active
commitment to peacekeeping operations and more transparency in their dealings
with the UN. As many in the developing world already doubt
U.S.
commitment to reform that does not
ultimately strengthen the
U.S.
role in the UN, in order for
U.S.
reform proposals to resonate positively throughout the organization, the
U.S.
must
demonstrate a stronger desire for the success and effectiveness of the UN.
The U.S. focus on reforming all areas of the UN, especially management and
efficiency, is vital for successful reform implementation. Joint reform efforts
throughout the organization must also include a more demographically
representative Security Council, that continues to take in account military and
economic power and a strong human rights record.
Ultimately, reform at the Security
Council level only is a small step toward UN reform, and does not fix the
overall problems of the organization. Distrust, lack of legitimacy of members
and the organization itself, and a perceived, if not actual, lack of democracy
in the Security Council require that reform reaches a higher level than the
current 15-member body. While disagreements exist between and within the
European Union, the
United
States
, and the developing world, true UN
reform will be difficult to achieve. If UN reform is the ultimate goal, the
major powers and those in the developing world need to put aside the mantra of,
“let´s agree to disagree” and seriously commit to resolving internal disputes
so the United Nations can regain the effectiveness and legitimacy that it was designed
to have.
./.
For more information on the United States position on U.N. Reform:
Suggested links provided by Information Resource Center, Embassy of the United States of America, Madrid, Spain |