INTERVENCIÓN
de VALDIS BIRKAVS
Ensayo nº16
Honourable Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen,
It is my pleasure and great honour to deliver a presentacion
here at che Spanish Institute of Foreign Affairs, and
I would like to thank the Institute fot the invitation
to speak here.
The year 1997 seems to be a landmark year
Ín the history of Europe, as two of its institutions
are going to enlarge by moving eastward. Therefore in
my presentacion I wouid like to dweil upon one target
of Latvian foreign and security policy which in our vision
can be reached in two parallel, complementary and interrelated
ways. The target is the return of Latvia to Europe and
making this return irreversible, ana tile two ways are
Latvias integracion ioto the European Union and NATO.
Since my presentation seems to fall almost exactly one
month from the NATO Summit, which takes place in Madrid
at that, I wil] briefly dweil upon che factors that determined
Latvia's foreign and security policy choíce, and
then pay tribute to the Madrid Summit by discussing oui
policy vis-a-vis NATO first.
The 20th century has brought about many dramatic changes
in the destiny of Latvia. First, after the collapse of
the Russian Empire and the outcome oí Worid War
One, in 1918 the Latvian natíon couid proclaim
itself as an independent state. It became a democratic
and internationally recognised republic, which became
a member of the League of Nations and achieved remarkable
results in all spheres ofíife. Economically Latvia
was on a par with the Scandinavian countries, its mam
rrading partners were Germany and United Kingdom. Latvia
westem orientatJion m culture and eáucation was
not less distínct.
After the occupation of 1940 by the Soviet Union, totalitarian
regíme Was forced upon Latvia, which not oniy isolated
it from its natural partners in the west, but ruined the
economy of Latvia, devastated its culture and carried
out a lastíng policy of russificarion. In chis
regard Latvia is thankful to Spain, which like the most
of western countries dÍd not de iure recognise
the incorporation of Latvia and the other two Baltíc
states Estonia and LÍthuama meo Soviet Union.
Among factors which made ít possible for Latvia
to renew its independence and take its European road agaín,
the already mentioned non-recognítíon policy
of the western countries and their support for the Strivings
of the Baltic nations to reestablish their sovereign statehood
were very important. Equally, if not more important was
the European identity of the Latvian nation which did
not allow it collide with the masiS of Soviet people and
forget its roots. Europe- an identity served aiso as the
fírst impulse to the developroent of Latvian foreign
policy after regaining of independence in 1991.
To the west of us there is a oíd in which integracion,
based on the principies of democracy and market economy,
is about to produce a new internacional system that will
guarantee peace and stability to aÍl the individual
nations, leaving them their own sense of identity; an
integraced communicy of nacions where the appearance of
a single councry which might produce instability and rock
the whole syscem is not possible.
To the east of us there is a vast post-soviet space ín
which the íssues of the division ofinfluence and
resources have not been comnierelv solved vet. Russia
—the biggest power in that space— poses a
great uncertainty as to its economic development and future
of democracy alone, not to mention the pattern it is going
to follow in relations with its immediate neighbours and
the wet in general; henee, the prospects for stability
and a profoundiy democratic development to the east of
Latvian borders are still very vague for quite a number
of years to come.
Referring to the geopolitical situation I
just pictured, Latvia had a choice of becoming either
a part of the future or a part of uncertainty. In such
setup, integration with multilateral international organisations
was actually the oniy security policy option for a small
state like Latvia, and this determined its foreign policy
choice. Security, economic integration and regional integration
issues were those we had to solve in the context of multilateral
relations. Already In early 1995 the LatvIan Parliament
-—the Saeima-— unanimously approved a document
on the main directions of Latvias foreign policy up to
2005, which determines de priority aims of Latvias integration
into the European Union and NATO.
NATO membership is a strategic target of Latvia's
foreign policy, determined by our historical experience
and our current geopolitical situarion, and an understandable
wish to avoid becoming prisoners of both our history and
our geography.
The wish to join it is determined also by
the strong sense of belonging to the Euro-Atlantic community
of democracies, since we share the same values, the same
cultural heritage and adhere to the same principles as
the present NATO members. Politically Latvia is ready
to meet the membership criteria already now. We have succeeded
in forming a democratic society, we have a free market
economy functioning, and our armed forces are controlled
by civilian institutions.
At present this might not be the case with
regard to the technical membership criteria. However,
in this sphere we have achieved remarkable progress in
a very short time, despite the fact that we started to
build our defence forces from scratch only a few years
ago. In order to exemplify this, I would like to mention
only a few facts. Latvia is an active contributor to the
Partnership for Peace program. This fall we shall host
a full PfP exercise Co-operative Best Effort at a training
base in central Latvia —a facility we have offered
for use to NATO narions. Within the PfP Planning and Review
process we have committed ourselves to 22 Interoperability
Objectives.
Latvia has made Its contribution to the international
peace efforts as well. latvian soldiers have taken part
in IFOR and SFOR. A Latvian is serving in SFOR headquarters
in Sarajevo, performing the duties that are normally carried
out by an American colleague. Together with Lithuania
and Estonia, Latvia has formed a peace keeping force,
BALTBAT. The Baltic cooperation is expanding to include
a joint naval unit, BALTRON, and a regional ait surveillance
system, BALTNET.
Returning to NATO as our foreign policy target,
I would like to stress here that Latvia is vitally interested
in the continuation of MATO enlargement regardless of
whether or not it is in the first wave itself. No nation
between Russia and NATO can feel secure before the security
problems of each and every country in the region are addressed
and solved. The decision of NATO to enlarge by any number
of countries will strengthen European security, as it
will move the borders of the Euro-Atlantic space eastwards,
and with definitely project greater stability also in
the direction of the Baltic Sea region. In this regard
Latvia strongly welcomes the beginning of NATO enlargement.
Obviously, we have no guárantees that
Latvia will become part of NATO in the first/wave of enlargement.
However, there is no reason why we should exclude/ourselves
from this; process or lower the ceiling of our security
policy because of this, as it is our strong belief that
issues of Baltic security cannot be separated from European
security as a whole of the security of the Central Eastern
European countries in particular. This would indeed create
the notorious division lines, and would mean a digression
from the commitments to base de new European security
building on cooperation, collaboration and contribution
of each state to greater stability and security, not on
geopolitical considerations.
Henee it is important that the Madrid documents set out
the principles of the security policy of western countries
towards the countries of the Central Eastern Europe, with
the aim co prevent the formation of security vacuum or
grayzones. These principles should form the basis of the
practical policies of the NATO countries in the period
after Madrid.
Speaking of the enlargement process, it is
important that all candidate countries are still involved
in ic, as a division between the have-gots and have* nots
may lead to further misperceptions and undesirable reacrions.
The alliance could state that the first countries invited
to join will not be the last, that all eligible candidates
will be invited to join the Alliance and that the Alliance
ha? a Strong Interest in the security of these countries
and will help them prepare to join. This could take the
form of consultations to provide for an individual assessment
identifying áreas in which additional efforts on
the part of other applicant countries are needed in order
to meet membership requirements.
I would like to conduele the NATO copy by stressing once
again that Latvia will remain strongly committed to its
goal to join the Alliance regardless of whether it is
in the first wave or not. In order to enhance io security
and prepare for membership in the Alliance, Latvia will
have to make one of a number of instruments. The ones
connected directly with NATO are Partnership for Peace
Plus program, participation in the Euro-Atlantic Partnership
Council, and the individual dialogue with NATO. In addition
to this Latvia will make use of a number of bilateral
initiatives on the part of the United Stares, Denmark,
Ufanee and Norway. These inItiacives will play an important
part in the security policy of the Baltic States and will
enhance stability in the Baltic Sea region, Latvia and
the other two Baltic Stares, will strengthen their defence
capabilities and continue their integration with NATO.
The second foreign policy priority of Latvia—the
enlargement ofthe European Union—- at the moment
is not connected with the opening of NATO. However, from
the vantage point of Latvia's security policy objectives
the two processes of inregration are interrelated and
complementary.
I wouid like to point out that Latvias further
integration with the European Union has been preceded
by a remarkable process of recovery that is taking platie
in national economy. The decline hat followed the collapse
of the Soviet economic system and introduction of market
reforms was successfully stopped and currently the recovery
is going on at fast pace, and Latvia effectively has managed
to cover the gap in dynamics of its economy and that of
Estonia, which made the fastest starc of all the three
Baltic States.
The relationship between Latvia and the European
Union has developed rapidly since 1993, when the European
Council in Copenhagen decided to develop closer relations
with the Baltic States. In 1994 Latvia signed the Free
Trade Agreement with the European Union, which entered
into force in January 1995. In the autumn of that year
Latvia submitted and official application for its accession
to the European Union. The Association Agreement will
enter into force after its ratification in the parliaments
of all the BU member States. Only those by Irench and
Belgian parliaments are pending, I would like (O use this
opportunity to thank the Spanish legislators for already
having made this decision.
The integration process of Latvia is marked by two closely
connected dimensions. The first one refers to the administrative
and legislative restructuring of the state, which is aied
at the harmonisation and implementation of legislation.
Latvia has prepared its national program for integration
into the
European Union. This program analyses the situation in
Latvia's legislation and sets aims to harmonise it with
the legislation of the European Union. The pro- gram outlines
the prospects for the nearest future, with domestic market
legislation principally harmonised already in 1997-1998,
and the process concluded in 1999. This process bring
about the fúlfillment of two very important tasks.
Firstly, it ensures a gradual joining of Latvia to the
legislative space of the European Union. Secondiy, Latvia
becomes an environment where the entrepreneurs from the
EU members states can operate safety.
The second is a foreign policy dimension —the
participation in the structured and political dialogue
between Latvia and the European Union. Latvia rapidly
approaches the Union and now one can say that the foreign
policy of Latvia is developing in the context of the European
Union-
Apapt from the institutional aspects and harmonisation
of legislation, the integration process of Latvia has
also an economic dimension. Reform policies and economic
progress are indispensable for a country to join the European
Union. In the case of Latvia the reforms have taken place,
and the visible result is a rapid progress. After the
already mentioned initial economic decline, the year 1996
saw a 3.6 per cent growth of the GDP. Growing economic
activity makes 4% in 1997 expected, while 1998 should
see a 5% growth. Inflation in 1996 was 13% which is lower
chan in the other two Baltic States, this year its tempo
continues to fast and In 1998 the experts foresee an 8%
inflation.
Data testify to the fact that an economic
model has stabilised in Latvia, which will persist in
foreseeable future. An important role in national economy
will be played by the services, dominated by financial
services and transport. Today the transit services between
the EU and CIS countries are developing especially dynamically,
recently the turnover at the ports of Latvia has grown
by 15%. Rapid development is expected also in the branches
of light industry —textile, timber and food processing
industries. It is very much likely that foreign investment
will revive the heavy industry as well, which formerly
worked exclusively for the Soviet market.
Positive tendencies in the economy testify
to the fact that Latvia has swiftly adapted itself to
the conditions of market economy and is ready to join
he internal EU market very soon. The macroeconomics Indices
testify co a growing tempo. Although it started its movement
towards the European Union much later that the countries
of the Central Europe, Latvia seems to be at the forefront
of the reform process of Central Eastern Europe and can
safety run for an early candidacy among the first countries
to be accepted into the European Union.
In this regard I would like to stress that
it is important that the integration process embraces
the whole continent and gradually dismantles the artificial
barrier which exists between the existing European Union
members and associated countries in Central Eastern Europe.
The European Union will fail to achieve its goals if its
eastward enlargement will be delayed or it will end by
accepting a
few geopolitically important countries. If Central Eastern
Europe will not be integrated into the BU it will generate
social instability which will inevitably affect the EU
countries. Success will be achieved only when the whole
of Europe will have the same rules of the game and will
move in the same direction.
Latvia fully understands the complex character
of the enlargement process and the time factor necessary
for it$ realisation, In this regard Latvia considers that
the enlargement Strategy to be adopted by the European
Union will be the key issue of its policy towards the
Baltic States. Latvia sees the necessity to begin accession
negotiations simultaneously with all the candidatos. It
is a pre- condition for the continuity of the process,
stability and homogeneous econo- sene developnient in
Central Eastern Europe as a whole, and in the Baltic region
in particular. Further negotiations may include different
mechanisms and varying tempos, but it is important to
preserve a continuous cooperation and dialogue between
the EU member States ana European Commission on the one
hand, and the associated countries in Central Eastern
Europe on the other. It is essential t0 preserve the tempo
of reforms and restructuring, precisely defining the end
result —a full-fledged membership in the European
Union.
Here I wouid like to mention that Latvia considers
Spain to be an important cooperation partner not oniy
in the European integration processes, but also in bilateral
economic, political and cultural co-operation. It is erroneous
to speculate that admission of new members into EU would
harm the interest of South European countries. on the
contrary. Countries like Spain and Latvia have a huge
cooperation potential which can be fully exercised only
within the EÜ. We are not competing and will not
compete economically. The Baltic States is a growing market
for Spanish goods, and not only wines and fruit, but also
a variety of industrial goods. In our turn, our timber
exports may have good prospects in Spain.
In order to make the decisive step towards
a united Europe, we need just litlie --"a readiness
of the Europeans to cooperate and support each other in
the name of a common future. It is this approach that
ill allow us to reach our common goals - peace, stability
and well-being. It is this approach that will allow to
preserve European identity in the dynarok world of the
twenty-first century.
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